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Eighty per cent of blacks who vote support Labour. But give way to despair if the Labour leaders fail to offer a
this way
instinctive forward.
The Inner cities erupt-what lies ahead for
blacks in Britain?
LAST SUMMER'S inner-city upheavals highlighted the plight of the oppressed minorities. They also provided a fresh focus for the debate within the labour movement on its attitude towards Britain's blacks.
For the last two years, the leaders of the Labour Party have largely preoccupied themselves with the constitutional wrangling over the formation of separate black sections. But this controversy is only a symptom of a much deeper problem. How can the labour movement win the active support of blacks?
The labour leaders have vehemently opposed the setting up of black sections, but their failure to offer any alternative will not have helped to overcome the scepticism with which many blacks look towards them. They could have seized on the disturbances as an opportunity to expose the bankruptcy of Thatcherism and point a real way forward.
But predictably, this was not done. Instead, Labour's leaders, both left and right, confined their response to a call for yet another Scarman style public enquiry into the underlying 'causes' of the upheavals. The problem however has never been one of identifying the 'causes', alone but of explaining the solutions.
The right-wing Labour leaders, in effect, give credence to Thatcher's racist jibes by allowing her to get away with the argument that the appalling social conditions created by the decline of capitalism and made worse by her government's policies are not to blame. The Tories skillfully portrayed the riots as a purely "black problem" According to Lord Hailsham, the riots were the result of "human wickedness. It is no more the result of unemployment or urban deprivation than was Hitler's anti-semitism or Goebbels lies."
But such slurs are only intended as a smokescreen to conceal the real effects of racial oppression. Despite their claims about pumping millions of pounds into the inne:-city areas, the reality is that the policies of the present government have created virtual nightmare conditions for many of Britain's blacks.
The authoritative Policy Studies Institute has carried out detailed research into the problems of Britain's black minorities since 1966. Its most recent survey, published in 1984, showed that in many respects, the con-
ditions under which today are now much 1960s.
While it is true to say that rising unemployment affects all sections of the working class, it is still black people who continue to suffer most.
During the 1985 disturbances, it came to light that as many as nine out of ten young blacks in Handsworth, Birmingham were jobless. Moreover, most of them had never had a proper job and are not likely to ever find one under this system.
A similar situation exists in other areas of high black concentration. On the Broad Water Farm estate in Tottenham and in the Granby area of Liverpool 8, it is estimated that up to 80% of blacks under the age of 24 are unemployed. They too are never likely to find a job.
The misery and despair created by mass unemployment alone would probably be enough to account for the explosive anger which has been steadily accumulating among Britain's young blacks. Yet, unemployment is only one of the problems contributing to the nightmare confronting the black population.
Systematic harassment
black worse
people live than in the
When black people first came to this country, they were forced to live in the most squalid, run down housing. Poverty and racism ensured that they were kept out of the more prosperous areas. Today, that position has remained virtually unchanged. Inner city areas like Brixton and Moss Side where blacks were initially forced to settle have now become ghettos. Like the notorious black ghettos of America, these areas are rife with legar, send, per most me ans,
there is no escape. Even those blacks lucky enough to find employment invariably end up in the dirtiest, low paid jobs. The average male white worker in the north west, for instance, earns almost a third more than his black counterpart.
The prospect of a good "British education" for their children was one of the consideratiuns which motivated many blacks to emigrate to this coun try. Yet, it is black children who benefit least from the education system. Less than 0.5% of black pupils enter higher education, compared to 4% of whites. And 35% of blacks leave
14
By Bob Lee
school with no qualifications whatsoever, compared to 27% of whites.
The problems of mass unemployment, poverty, slum housing and inadequate education, are merely the tip of the iceberg. Blacks have to contend with degrading racist abuse, insults and massive discrimination in the provision of social services and health care. Moreover the steadily worsening social conditions facing blacks has inevitably given rise to an unprecedented use of repressive measures designed to keep them in check.
The immigration laws are used to systematically terrorise the Asian community. Thousands of families remain permanently divided and many Asians live in constant fear of being 'visited' by police and immigration officials. Many Asians are reluctant to claim the social benefits to which they are entitled because of a genuine fear that their names may get passed on to the police. A record number of blacks are now being deported, or arbitrarily "removed"
Many Asian communities face the constant threat of racial violence from white mobs and they can hardly turn to the police because they, not their attackers, are the ones who invariably get thrown into police cells.
Despite the introduction of so-called "community policing", ', black people, especially the youth, continue to suffer daily harassment on the streets and in their homes. It is virtually impossible to tina a black family in Britain that has not had a direct experience of arbitrary police action.
It is estimated that almost a half of Britain's blacks spend time in prison before they reach the age of 25. At present, 25 per cent of those committed to life sentences in prison are black; 40 per cent of inmates in borstals and detention centres are black, and though blacks account for less than three per cent of the population, 23 per cent of all British prisoners are black.
These figures graphically illustrate the extent of the repression directed against the most exploited sections of society. But it is precisely this repression, combined with the appalling social conditions which have significantly worsened over the last six years, that has prepared the way for
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It is virtually impossible to find a black family in Britain that has not had direct experience the explosive anger and militancy of black people.
Virtually every section of the black population has entered into struggle at one time or another over the last 15 years. In the mid 1970s, Asian women, who are perhaps the most oppresed of all, went into action against the appalling conditions in the sweat shops. Asian and West Indian youth at that time responded in their thousands in the battle to drive the fascists off the streets. And now even black school children have entered the fray in a of battles against racism in series The upheavals of 1981 and again in despairing sections of black youth. In the absence of any lead from the labour movement, the blacks who find themselves at the sharp end of the Tory attacks have vented their fury on a society which But it would be a mistake to conclude that the industrial militancy of black workers or the political combativity of the youth has now given way to a mood of blind despair. Quite the contrary, black workers today are probably the most politically scious section of the British working Sections of the ruling class have, of course, been alarmed by the developing instability within the inner cities. Repeated outbursts of rioting and disorder can damage their international standing and prestige. Real meaning of Scarman 'reforms'
But their greatest fear does not come from the riots.
If anything, rioting and looting provides them with a usetul pretext for the introduction of para-military style policing methods be used against class militants. A far more serious problem for the ruling class is the potential threat which is posed by an active and politically conscious black working class. The dramatic impact of looting and burning has tended to overshadow the rising militancy of a growing section of black workers who have entered into struggle. This militancy, and the struggle of blacks generally, can exercise a powerful influence on the rest of working class. Oppressed minorities in capitalist society have always tended to play a disproportionate role in the class struggle. This was the case in Russia where Jews and other oppressed groups played a leading role in the revolution. And to some extent this process was partly demonstrated in the United States in the 1960s where the inchoate Black Power movement acted as the catalyst of arbitrary police action. which triggered the anti-war rebellion among youth generally and the subsequent movement of women.
The same situation could apply to Britain, only more so. Here black workers are already closely aligned to the labour movement. Proportionately more blacks than whites members of trade unions and a massive 80 per cent of blacks who vote support Labour. There are now more black shop stewards than at any time during the post war period. Black workers have played a key role in many of the most important industrial battles during the post-war period, particularly in the car industry, transport and the health service. The enormous affinity between blacks and the mineworkers during their yearlong strike will not have gone unnoticed. Hence, Enoch Powell's reference to blacks as a "disaffected" section of society who have no allegiance to "Queen and country". In other words, the ruling class are fully conscious of the potentially revolutionary role blacks can play.
Even within the spontaneous upriswhich are not in any organised movements, there has existed an instinctive desire for unity between the black and white youth who have taken part in those events. At no time in any of the riots, was there any serious racial conflict within the areas concerned, although position could change in the future. Partly in response to the riots, but more specifically out of a fear of the influence black workers can have on the movement of the working class, a section of the ruling class have from time to time toyed with the idea of finding a solution through a strategy of creating a black middle class as a way of heading off a black revolt which could quickly embrace a wider movement of the workers. This idea was first raised in a serious way in 1981 by Scarman and others who advocated the idea of giving blacks "a stake in society" through a form of positive discrimination. The hope was that Britain could repeat the strategy that was developed in America in the aftermath of the race riots in the 1960s. 'Community leaders'
Affirmative action or positive discrimination has led to the creation of a black middle class in America. However, these measures have meant little or nothing for the mass of American black workers and youth. A large proportion of American blacks still live in abject poverty and the levels of black unemployment are much higher today than in the 1960's. And, in any case, it would be virtually impossible to repeat this strategy in Britain. For a start, affirmative action was carried through in the United State aman, with relatien full with relatively was booming, employment. This is not the position in Britain today, and, apart from a lack of resources, a strategy of positive discrimination could backfire and open up the prospect of serious racial conflict, giving rise to even greater instability within the inner-cities. Of course the Tories made great play of the so-called reforms that were introduced in the post-Scarman period. But these were purely cosmetic, resulting in hardly any benefits for blacks, except for a small minority who have been given top positions as race relations officials and 'community leaders'. The overwhelming majority of blacks now face even more desperate conditions than in 1981. In Liverpool 8, the number of unemployed young blacks has doubled since 1981 while in Brixton the number has trebled The lack of any real changes to the conditions of blacks after 1981 in-
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MIR Spring 1986: Blacks in Britain evitably paved the way for a continuing growth of militancy and the almost unavoidable repetition of street disturbances. Unlike the USA there is no black middle class to absorb black discontent or to divert blacks away from the kind of militant struggles seen in Newham and Bradford. Nevertheless, the Tories have pumped millions into supporting a network of black 'community leaders' to 'police the black communities, in the same way as the right wing Labour leaders' attempt to police the labour movement. It was noticable that Thatcher and co were to quick to call on the so-called "community leaders' to 'restore order' during the 1985 disturbances.
But these leaders lack credibility. They do not have the authority to prevent spontaneous movements on the streets. In fact after the Cherry Groce shooting in Brixton, the first stone was actually thrown when black 'leaders' went onto the steps of Brixton police station to appeal for 'calm'. However, the idea of creating a black middle class has come to the fore once more. The Church of England and Black Sections-Constitutional substitute for socialist policies AT THE 1985 Labour Party conference a resolution calling for the setting up of black sections in the Party was defeated with 1,169,000 votes in favour and 5,358,000 against. Prior to the conference the Labour Party NEC had set up a "Working Group on positive discrimination" to discuss the participatior of blacks in the Party.
In July 1985, the group produced its report which favored the setting up of "black sections" - despite the opposition shown to this idea in the decisions taken at national Labour Party conference 1984, and also at the 1985 London Labour Party conference. The Working Group's support for setting up black sections, however, came as no surprise as black section campaigners were in a majority on the group.
The report is an example of the mistaken and confused ideas circulating among some sections of the labour movement on this issue. While paying lip service to the need to campaign against racism and improve Labour's policies, the argumenis of the black sections campaigners centre around organisational questions, changes in the constitution, and structures, of the Labour Party - as if some how these were a short cut solution to fundamental political problems. the Tory wets have joined the chorus for 'reform' in the inner cities. The Home Office has raised the idea of combatting racial discrimination in private sector employment through the introduction of a system of contracts compliance for firms who win government contracts.
State prepared for future conflicts This proposal could have some limited effect, though it would not stem the tide of black unemployment. Yet, even a small measure such as this has already run into serious opposition from elements within the Tory party. While the ruling class are prepared to entertain the idea of introducing token reforms, they also recognise the realities of the capitalist crisis, which compels them to maintain the attacks on the living standards of the working class. The Tories cannot offer a solution to the problems of working class whites, let alone blacks.
This is why the main strategy of the Thatcher government has been to Kevin Fernandes No amount of juggling with structures, reserved "token" appointments or nominations for committees, can reverse the disillusionment caused by the failure of past Labour governments to end racism, and solve the problems facing working class people. The mass of black people themselves do not support the idea of a "black section". The Channel 4 TV network commissioned a poll, which interviewed 2,500 Afro-Caribbeans, and 2,600 Asians in 50 constituencies with more than 10 per cent black voters; the poll result was that 63 per cent opposed creating black sections and 18 per cent were in favour. Opinion polls are not always totally correct, but they nevertheless can reflect a general mood or US Democratic Party The authors of the Group Report drag in the Democratic Party of the United States in their defence, commenting that that Party has black caucuses, and reserved places for women, Hispanics etc. But the US Democratic Party is a capitalist party-which upholds a system using racism and discrimination as a weapon to divide working people. It's not correct to compare it to the British Labour Party. The Labour Party, despite its leadership, historically 16 prepare the state apparatus for dealing with those sections of the working class who are forced into struggle. And, as one of the most militant detachments of the working class, black workers inevitably find themselves in the frontline of the Tory fire. Since coming to power, the Thatcher government has consciously strengthened the immigration and nationality laws which are used to cow the black population. The new police powers were partly designed for immediate use against blacks, and at a later stage against all workers who enter into struggle, as in the case of the miners.
Plastic bullets, CS gas, water cannon and specially equiped vehicles— these are the weapons the police are now preparing to unleash in the future. The crisis of capitalism will lead to a worsening of the conditions facing blacks, and this in turn will open up the prospect in the long term of major street conflicts. Rising unemployment and poverty could drive an everincreasing number of blacks towards blind despair. Areas like Liverpool 8 and parts ot Brixton could develop inrepresents the aspirations of the working class, and stands opposed to capitalism.
There is in fact no reason to believe that black sections will transform disillusionment, build a bridge between blacks and whites, or draw black towards The Group Report cites Vauxhall CLP and its "Black Section" as a "particular success story". A number of completely exaggerated claims are made which bear no resemblance to the situation in the constituency. There is little or no outward campaigning activity by the "Vauxhali Black Section''
, and it has shown a complete inability to address itself to the problems of the black working class.
A case in point is the police shooting of an innocent black woman, Cherry Groce, in Brixton on 28 September, which provoked clashes with police throughout the Lambeth area. The Vauxhall Black Section sat on the sidelines, and played no role in the campaign around these events. Rather than involve themselves with the local community in the protest against police brutality, members of the Black Section at one stage attended private meetings with black media and other self-appointed owners leaders, who were trying to cut across the genuine campaigns in Brixton and Tottenham. Unfortunately, the role of Vauxhall Black Section and of the CLP, in those events in Brixton, was far from a "success story".
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to no-go areas in the event of serious racial conflict.
Of course, any development in this direction would be disastrous. Yet, the only way this prospect for the future can be avoided is through the intervention of the labour movement. The overwhelming majority of blacks now look towards the labour movement. But if, during the course of future battles, the Labour leaders fail to offer a way out then this instinctive class solidarity could ultimately give way to cynicism and despair.
Prospects
The role of the next Labour government will be crucial. By mobilising the working class to carry through a thoroughgoing programme of socialist measures to tackle poverty and mass unemployment the basis would be laid for erradicating racism through united class action to change society.
If on the other hand, the next Labour government fails to show a way forward, then the inevitable disillusionment and demoralisation which would follow would open the
Moreover, no attempt has ever been nade to initiate a discussion amongst the black party members as to whether they wanted a "black section". It was just presumed (by those who "knew better") that blacks would want one! The Vauxhall Black Section has a pitiful membership and meeting attendanca, not reflecting the local Party's black membership, let alone the black working class in Vauxhall.
Vauxhall Black
under Labour
However, it is not just the organisational methods and tactics of the black section campaigners in Vauxhall that are at fault - but their whole political approach. If they achieved the impossible and gained support amongst the working class for their ideas, then it would jeopardise the building of unity amongst blacks and whites. Fortunately, their ideas have little chance of achieving this. Nevertheless, it is useful to look at some of their views, as a means of clearly illustrating what should be the socialist position on these questions.
A pamphlet produced a year ago by the officers of the Vauxhall CLP "Black Sections-Here to stay" showed a haughty contempt for working people. (It is interesting to note also that, despite the rhetoric, this pamphlet was written without consultation at any meeting of even the Vauxhall Black Section!).
In the first few paragraphs the pamphlet claims: " ...the history of the
way for the growth of racist tendencies
such as that which faced the last
Labour government in the mid
1970s—only much worse. A position
could open up similar to the present
situation in France, where the Mit-
terand government has capitulated
under the pressure of an orchestrated racist campaign waged by the French right.
The extent of the retreat by the
French government was recently demonstrated when the Prime Minister, Laurent Fabius, suggested that he and the right wing Gaullist leader, Chirac, held roughly the same views on immigration. According to the Times (2 December 1985) Fabius then "recounted with pride how the government had expelled 12,000 illegal
immigrants and turned back a further 40,000 from France's frontiers; this year, he went on, it had induced some 45,000 immigrants to leave France by offering them generous repatriation grants."
Without a clear programme of socialist action, a future Labour government under Kinnock could well go down the same road. The disastrous
labour movement is placed firmly within the framework of British imperialism. Most of the gains won by the British working class have been at the expense of the working class in other countries-and this is not just a historical phenomenon, it continues today. Just compare the wages of British workers with those of black miners in South Africa or tea-pickers in India or Sri Lanka."
If this rotten argument were followed then surely it could be said that higher paid workers in Britain, technicians etc were responsible for low-paid workers-hospital ancillary workers for example having an abysmal standard of living?
The gains of the British working class have been achieved through struggle and not benevolently handed down by the capitalists, who, if they could, would pay British workers as low wages as those in the Third World. This has obviously been lost on the authors of the pamphlet.
The pamphlet goes on to say "the organisational form and practices of the Labour Party reflect the divisions within our class. The majority of Party members and supporters are excluded from access to power within the Party - women, the unemployed, those with disabilities, pensioners, tenants, and black people, being the most obvious examples.
Presumably, then, the solution to gaining "power" is for every "group" not adequately represented to form a section, class becomes just another
17
experience of the Labour governments
of the 1960's and 1970's could be
repeated all over again. By failing to
act decisively to change society, these
Labour governments bowed to the
pressure of the monopolies, reneged on
their manifesto commitments and ended up carrying through a programme of counter-reforms.
In the process of retreating, Labour created a climate of disillusion and despair which opened the way for the growth of reactionary moods and the temporary rise of groups like the National Front.
The Mitterand
Government
While the formation of a mass Fascist party on the lines of the 1930's is now ruled out an openly racist movement would probably develop around the bonapartist wing of the Tory Party. Such a movement would represent a far more serious threat to the labour movement because it would give racist ideas a new respectability. A promonarchist and openly racist wing of the Tory Party would not necessarily
category, along with race, sex, disability, age etc. The idea of building the unity of the working class is thrown out of the window.
But the contemptuous attitude in the pamphlet is not reserved only for white workers. Apparently, according to the Vauxhall pamphlet - "Immigrant Black people joined the Labour Party in many instances as a show of gratitude and solidarity with the host community. They did not expect to get anything out of membership... "(!)
Labour's representatives must reflect the composition of the working class as a whole, which must mean more black councillors and black MP's - but these representatives must first and foremost be chosen on the basis of their policies.
It is not enough, as is the practice in the NEC Working Group's Report to cheer on the selections of a number of black councillors. What will count, in the eyes of black workers, will be the concrete results achieved, in terms of housing, employment, social services, and so on.
The report itself states that membership of the Labour Party is irrelevant "for most black people, who face disproportionately high levels of unempioyment, unequal job opportunities, poor housing, racial harassment, and other disadvantages."
The task now for the labour movement is to initiate a bold campaign against racism, as part of an overall programme to end the social and economic ills facing working people.
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