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The origins of racism Racism is not part of 'human nature' but rooted, argues JUGEND DEUTALI YRE Brussels demonstration, October 1992. HE EARLY 1990s have seen the issue of race and nationality to the fore in both political and have been marked by the growth of racism, re-emergence of fascist parties on a Europewide scale, and the development of Equally significant, however, has been the development of a fightback against racism and fascism. Many young people in particular, repulsed by inattacks and murders, are joining the anti-fascist movement.
Yet while the far-right have provided some focus for anti-racist activity they remain in the development of racism in society. The racist sentiments that the fascists been able to play on have to varying extents already existed in many white communities.
more than any of their more overtly class policies it is racist rhetoric that has provided them with a platform. While not being the direct cause of racism in growth of racism to their advantage. Undoubtedly, overtly racist and gain a broader echo when worsen. A lack of decent jobs, sion. In a search for scapegoats blacks are 18 • Racism gegn MSSISMUS I AND social life. The last few years bring to rooted prejudices?
nationalist a small factor some sections, far-right have anti-working society they have used the social conditions homes and health an atmosphere of divi- 7 EUROSA Andrea Enisuoh, in class society.
targeted. Yet can the existence of racist ideas in society merely be attributed to the lack of a job or a home? Or do appalling social conditions simply the surface and inflame already To explain last year's council seat election tory for the British National Party (BNP) in East London's Isle of Dogs, for example, simply by reference to the social conditions in the area, would be to ignore how deeply racial prejudice can sink into the consciousness of some sections of workers. It would misunderstand the 'dual consiousness' that exists amongst the white population there of, on the one hand, backward racial prejudices among and, on the other hand, a long history of radical struggle on the docks and in the community, from rent strikes in the 1960s and 1970s to, more recently, the poll tax non-payment campaign. When a clear lead has been given bigoted ideas have not been to the fore. When no authoritative alternative is posed, however, racist ideas once again find a receptive audience.
This is not to say, however, that racism is an inherent part of an individual's character. The hard-hitting advert by the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) is correct when it proclaims that 'people learn to be racist - no-one is born that way'. This, of course, would be contested by racist 'theo-
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rists', who would argue that racial antagonisms are an inevitable part of 'human nature'. It is also by implication refuted by believe racism has nothing to do with the type of society that we live in. Lee Jasper of the National Black Caucus, for example, has argued against a class analysis of racism on the grounds that "racism clearly pre- and indeed post-dates class societies". (Morning Star, 26 October 1992). It is true that prejudice towards different ethnic groups, ignorance and xenophobia are not peculiar society. The initial interaction of difto capitalist ferent ethnic groups could give rise to various and prejudices. Yet it was only during the early stages of capitalist society that racial theories were advanced, and then incorporated into the ideology of the ruling class.
ENTRAL TO THIS process was the devel- C opment of the black slave trade from the - late 16th century. To justify this brutal subjugation of African people racist ideas were developed by those involved in and benefiting from this trade, primarily the new merchant capitalists but also the plantation owners These ideas were then systematised and developed into an ideology of race, dividing humans into ascribing 'unique' characteristics to each categories, so on. In any class-based society.
ideology of the ruling class becomes that control society have a vested in developing concepts and ideas that justify their rule. It was in this context that racial theories The black slave trade played an enormous role in the development of modern capitalism. British cities such as Liverpool, Bristol and to a large extent London, were literally built from its profits during the 18th century. Slavery sugar created boom towns.
Between 1630 and 1807 over £12 million profit was made by British slave merchants alone. However, slavery, while important to the development of capitalism at the early stage of accumulation, began to reach its limits. Defending the apparatus of slavery became an obstacle to the development of capitalism, the system of the 'free' market and the 'free' exchange of labour and capital. Consequently certain sections of the ruling class began to call for is presented in many of the history text books of today as a moral crusade. Yet in reality economic factors were the real driving force behind the demands of many leading abolitionists. Famous banking families such as Lloyds and Barclays, who had previously made a fortune out of the slave trade, now put their weight behind abolition. In 1787 a major campaign against the slave was launched, its ranks filled mainly by sections of the capitalists who argued that free labour and free trade were a much more profitable system. Demands to end the slave trade gained momentum, although the slave traders and planters proved a powerful lobby in defence of the trade.
It was during this debate by sections of the ruling class that the earlier racial theories were 'refined'. In both social and political circles racial characteristics, were discussed and debated. It was argued that blacks were a mere sub-species, that they were lazy, stupid and 'a few degrees from an orangutan' - in fact, being a plantation slave was the best thing for them! In a period of increasing slave rebellions these too were 'scientifically rationalised: some slaves had a disease that made them want to keep on running away.
'Scientific' notions of black inferiority were advanced by established figures.
These ideas were not the rantings of a few uneducated individuals, they permeated deeply into bourgeois thought. Church leaders, writers, and academics, all espoused these views. 'Scientific' notions of black inferiority were advanced by established figures. Edward Long, a former judge and planter in Jamaica, was a pioneer in writing 'scientific racist theories, such as his book, History of Jamaica, published in 1774. Western philosophers such as John Locke and David Hume argued that blacks were naturally inferior. While leading abolitionists argued their case on the grounds of equality they had little real interest in the equality of black people. William Wilberforce, often portrayed as the great emancipator, condemned every slave rebellion that took place. Yet the increasing prevalence of slave uprisings, combined with the fact that the logic of capitalist development lay with the abolitionists, meant that the slave trade was ended in 1807 and slavery abolished in 1833.
Even after the abolition of slavery, however, racist ideas were used to argue that blacks were not capable of looking after themselves. Without the direction of white planters it was argued that they would descend into barbarism. This argument was used to try to keep blacks on the plantations as a source of cheap labour.
ACISM HAD NOW acquired a conscious and generalised character, and became part of the ideological armoury of the rul ing class. It was deployed with new refinements to justify the expansion and consolidation of the empire in the 19th century. Again pseudo-scientific 'theories' were advanced. | In 1914 the British empire had a population of 431 Racism • 19
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million, over 370 million of whom were blacks. It | development of society. Bogus *immigration sensa- From slavery to racist attacks.
became a popular argument that the shape of an African's skull proved that they were inferior to Europeans. Other theories suggested that blacks needed to be civilised and controlled, hence white domination.
While psuedo-scientists gave a cloak of officialdom to these ideas it was the press that played a key role in popularising these ideas amongst the working class. Moreover, the development of empire also created a material basis for the permeation of racist ideas into the working class, through the medium of a labour aristocracy' of relatively wellto-do skilled, craft-conscious workers and trade union officials.
It is not just in Britain that racism has been used and developed in this way. From slavery to the 'Scramble for Africa', where the imperialist powers divided up Africa continue European countries played a similar role. In the more recent period they too have continued to develop racist ideas.
Racism is still a key ideological weapon of the ruling class.
In the present period the ruling class continue to use racist ideologies to serve their purpose, deflect attention from the cause of society's problems and to sow divisions in the working class. While more subtle, racist ideas still permeate the education system, popular press and media. The national curriculum in schools, for example, is deliberately designed, among other things, to blind children to the key role blacks have played in the 20 • Racism tion stories are constantly churned out by the tabloid newspapers, giving the impression that the country is too full'. Racism has moved a long way from the early days of slavery but it is still a key ideological weapon of the ruling class, deeply rooted in society.
How then will racism be overcome? Racial prejudices will primarily be surmounted during the course of workers' struggle. In the battle against the employers, most workers will recognise that they cannot afford a disunited movement. In a search for unity opportunities will emerge to combat racist ideas.
Yet this will not be automatic nor straightforward. Struggles within the workers' movement itself will inevitably need to take place if prejudice is to be overcome. Workers' leaders who tolerate racism will have to be challenged. It is the job of Marxists to consciously intervene in notwithstanding the experience of united struggle, when the workers' movement suffers defeats the possibility exists for old prejudices to resurface. When the working class seized power in Russia in 1917 they made great steps in ending national oppression. But the themselves workers were too weak to hold political power for all but a short period. Stalin headed the usurping of power by the officialdom who bureaucratically ruled for the next 75 years. To maintain their privileged position the bureaucracy controlled society both with a police apparatus and by borrowing the ideoof feudalism and capitalism, logical weaponry including anti-semitism, chauvinism and Great Russian nationalism.
Only a new society of abundance, free from the economic and ideological control of the capitalists, will allow new generations to finally eradicate the deep rooted ideology of race.
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